Hi John,

It has only been a couple of weeks since the election, and like the rest of the post-pandemic-period, my sense of time is much skewed — it seems like it has been two years since the country voted to return Donald Trump to office along with Republican majorities in the House and Senate.

There has already been a lot of commentary about what went wrong, and how a candidate as morally and legally flawed as Donald Trump could have been so successful. And there will be a lot more insights to come that will shape our thinking about what the Democratic Party needs to do to reclaim the popular support of the American people.

But I do believe certain conclusions can already be reached. First, this was not an election over policy, or if it was, only in the most general sense. Trump had very few articulated policy positions, and most of them were deeply unpopular. The border may be the lone exception, but even there, the extremity of his views, the demonization of all immigrants and calls for mass deportation, were less popular than his critique that the border was a crisis that needed to be addressed. Harris’s policies were far more popular, and while some commentators urged greater specificity over her economic plans, when she provided it, no one seemed interested.

This was also not a race about the quality of the candidates and their performance on the campaign trail. Harris wiped the floor with Trump during their only televised debate, and she was disciplined, thoughtful, personable, and popular with audiences. By contrast, Trump was his usual untethered self, more than usual in fact, with his repetitive, insult and grievance-filled low-energy rallies, lengthy music sway-ins, excretions about “people eating dogs and cats,” the Madison Square Garden debacle, and more.

Democrats were up against a very strong anti-incumbent wave that broke all over the world, where incumbent governments were ousted, whether they were left, right, or center. Nevertheless, Democrats need to think critically about why we were not able to overcome this wave, and what we can do to reclaim the majority — and not just reclaim it, but build a majority that is durable.

I think the race came down to two things: many swing voters felt poorly about the economy and wanted a change, and they had a sense that Trump got people like them. They were not confident Democrats were the change agents or could address the structural problems plaguing the economy. When people start to feel that the quality of life their parents enjoyed was better than what they have or worry that their children will be even less well off, all too many are ready to entertain any demagogue who comes along promising that they alone can fix it. These voters also didn’t feel part of the Democratic coalition or that we were speaking to them about things they cared about, and doing so respectfully.

Both of these deficits can be overcome, and must be if we are to save our democracy. Through his nomination of such seriously flawed candidates for cabinet posts as (the now former AG candidate) Matt Gaetz, Tulsi Gabbard, RFK Jr., and more, Trump has settled one question already — for all the speculation that he might be a different kind of president in his second term, concerned about his legacy and not running again — he has shown that he will be a different kind of president, worse.

During my campaign, I focused extensively on the economy and the problem, decades-long in the making, that people are working harder than ever and still struggling to get by, all while those doing really well are deriving all the benefit. This is poor economics, morally bankrupt, and jeopardizing our democracy. The problem is not that people are out of work — unemployment is low — but that they are working harder than ever, and it's not enough to provide for themselves or their families. Economic anxiety, coupled with a social media environment in which fear, anger and conspiratorial thinking spread with virality is a toxic brew. And unless either party addresses the structural problems in our economy, we may be entering a period in which it is easier to gain the presidency than it is to keep it.

I am confident that we can meet this challenge, and that if we direct ourselves to it with urgency and determination, the Democratic Party can have a resurgence in the midterms. But we must advocate a bold and clear vision for how we can make the economy work for everyone, and reestablish ourselves as the champion of hard-working Americans, something we have always been and continue to be. We must also figure out how to overcome a media environment in which conservatives dominate the field — Fox, conservative radio, right-wing podcasts, and more. In the meantime, we must be prepared for rough seas ahead, particularly in the near term, as a wannabe authoritarian tests the limits of his authority with a pliant majority in Congress.

Notwithstanding all of the challenges we face, I am looking forward to serving in the Senate. The Senate has a different culture than the House and remains a place where you can find willing colleagues across the aisle and get things done. In that sense, it is a very entrepreneurial environment, and I am already seeking out Republican partners who are interested in reducing the cost of housing, expanding quality childcare, helping rural hospitals, and more. My priority is to look for areas where we can get things done — we don’t have the luxury of waiting four years for that — and pick my battles with the Administration when it is necessary to defend the rights, values, and freedoms of the American people, rather than chase every crazy squirrel that comes out of Trump world.

I am so grateful for the confidence you have shown in me, and the support you gave me during this challenging Senate campaign. I am determined to remain at my post, find ways to work across the aisle, and get things done for my state and country.

Best,

Adam