Hi John,

It has only been a couple of weeks since the election, and like the rest
of the post-pandemic-period, my sense of time is much skewed — it seems
like it has been two years since the country voted to return Donald Trump
to office along with Republican majorities in the House and Senate.

There has already been a lot of commentary about what went wrong, and how
a candidate as morally and legally flawed as Donald Trump could have been
so successful. And there will be a lot more insights to come that will
shape our thinking about what the Democratic Party needs to do to reclaim
the popular support of the American people.

But I do believe certain conclusions can already be reached. First, this
was not an election over policy, or if it was, only in the most general
sense. Trump had very few articulated policy positions, and most of them
were deeply unpopular. The border may be the lone exception, but even
there, the extremity of his views, the demonization of all immigrants and
calls for mass deportation, were less popular than his critique that the
border was a crisis that needed to be addressed. Harris’s policies were
far more popular, and while some commentators urged greater specificity
over her economic plans, when she provided it, no one seemed interested.

This was also not a race about the quality of the candidates and their
performance on the campaign trail. Harris wiped the floor with Trump
during their only televised debate, and she was disciplined, thoughtful,
personable, and popular with audiences. By contrast, Trump was his usual
untethered self, more than usual in fact, with his repetitive, insult and
grievance-filled low-energy rallies, lengthy music sway-ins, excretions
about “people eating dogs and cats,” the Madison Square Garden debacle,
and more.

Democrats were up against a very strong anti-incumbent wave that broke all
over the world, where incumbent governments were ousted, whether they were
left, right, or center. Nevertheless, Democrats need to think critically
about why we were not able to overcome this wave, and what we can do to
reclaim the majority — and not just reclaim it, but build a majority that
is durable.

I think the race came down to two things: many swing voters felt poorly
about the economy and wanted a change, and they had a sense that Trump got
people like them. They were not confident Democrats were the change agents
or could address the structural problems plaguing the economy. When people
start to feel that the quality of life their parents enjoyed was better
than what they have or worry that their children will be even less well
off, all too many are ready to entertain any demagogue who comes along
promising that they alone can fix it. These voters also didn’t feel part
of the Democratic coalition or that we were speaking to them about things
they cared about, and doing so respectfully.

Both of these deficits can be overcome, and must be if we are to save our
democracy. Through his nomination of such seriously flawed candidates for
cabinet posts as (the now former AG candidate) Matt Gaetz, Tulsi Gabbard,
RFK Jr., and more, Trump has settled one question already — for all the
speculation that he might be a different kind of president in his second
term, concerned about his legacy and not running again — he has shown that
he will be a different kind of president, worse.

During my campaign, I focused extensively on the economy and the problem,
decades-long in the making, that people are working harder than ever and
still struggling to get by, all while those doing really well are deriving
all the benefit. This is poor economics, morally bankrupt, and
jeopardizing our democracy. The problem is not that people are out of work
— unemployment is low — but that they are working harder than ever, and
it's not enough to provide for themselves or their families. Economic
anxiety, coupled with a social media environment in which fear, anger and
conspiratorial thinking spread with virality is a toxic brew. And unless
either party addresses the structural problems in our economy, we may be
entering a period in which it is easier to gain the presidency than it is
to keep it.

I am confident that we can meet this challenge, and that if we direct
ourselves to it with urgency and determination, the Democratic Party can
have a resurgence in the midterms. But we must advocate a bold and clear
vision for how we can make the economy work for everyone, and reestablish
ourselves as the champion of hard-working Americans, something we have
always been and continue to be. We must also figure out how to overcome a
media environment in which conservatives dominate the field — Fox,
conservative radio, right-wing podcasts, and more. In the meantime, we
must be prepared for rough seas ahead, particularly in the near term, as a
wannabe authoritarian tests the limits of his authority with a pliant
majority in Congress.

Notwithstanding all of the challenges we face, I am looking forward to
serving in the Senate. The Senate has a different culture than the House
and remains a place where you can find willing colleagues across the aisle
and get things done. In that sense, it is a very entrepreneurial
environment, and I am already seeking out Republican partners who are
interested in reducing the cost of housing, expanding quality childcare,
helping rural hospitals, and more. My priority is to look for areas where
we can get things done — we don’t have the luxury of waiting four years
for that — and pick my battles with the Administration when it is
necessary to defend the rights, values, and freedoms of the American
people, rather than chase every crazy squirrel that comes out of Trump
world.

I am so grateful for the confidence you have shown in me, and the support
you gave me during this challenging Senate campaign. I am determined to
remain at my post, find ways to work across the aisle, and get things done
for my state and country.

Best,

Adam



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